Pak-BD ties: seeking positive transformation
Dr moonis Ahmer // Tribune: 19 February 2025
A positive transformation in the ties between Pakistan and Bangladesh is the need of the hour. Attempts made by the two sides in the past to mend fences failed to bear fruit because of the 1971 events, as also mentioned by Bangladesh Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus during his meeting with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in Cairo last December.
Back-to-back developments in the Pakistan-Bangladesh ties since the August 2024 regime change in Dhaka reflect how committed the two sides are to positively transform the bilateral ties on a permanent basis.
Formation of the Joint Business Council (JBC); signing of a MoU between FPCCI and FBCCI; resumption of maritime shipping links connecting the ports of Karachi and Chittagong; and visits of high-level military officials cannot be taken as ordinary steps. To add to that are easing of visa restrictions and resumption of direct flights between Karachi and Dhaka after a 10-year hiatus.
For more than 15 years when Sheikh Hasina was at the helm in Bangladesh, Pakistan was viewed as an enemy state, and the two sides only had ceremonial ties in trade, commerce, education, travel, tourism and other areas.
Hostile attitude of Bangladeshi consular staff with Pakistani visa applicants showed the depth of the hatred that was planted during Hasina's rule at the behest of New Delhi. A vast majority of the Bangladeshi population harboured cordial sentiments for Pakistan, but their government acted in a different manner.
During her 20 years in power - from 1996 to 2001 and from 2009 to 2024 - Hasina focused on Pakistan bashing taking advantage of the unfortunate events of 1971 and the alleged exploitation of East Pakistan by West Pakistan.
Textbooks in Bangladesh are full of anti-Pakistan content whether it was the language movement - which, on February 22, 1952, led to the killing of three protesting students demanding equal status for Bangla - or the denial of power to Awami League. The military operation from March 25 till the surrender of Pakistani armed forces in Dhaka on December 16, 1971 also figures prominently in the textbooks.
The textbooks in Pakistan only discuss the emergence of Bangladesh with reference to the Indian intervention in 1971. But such is not the case with the content in Bangladeshi textbooks which clearly mention three national days - February 22 as Language Day; March 26 as Independence Day; and December 16 as Victory Day - directed against Pakistan.
However, despite the promotion of anti-Pakistan feelings particularly during Awami League regimes, the new generation of Bangladesh is not hostile towards Pakistan. The student community of Bangladesh that played a pivotal role in toppling Hasina is leading efforts for mending fences with Pakistan. Also, pro-Bangladesh meetings being held in different parts of Pakistan, particularly in Punjab, are an indication that the new generation wants to re-establish friendly ties with Bangladesh.
One can only expect things to change in the context of the bilateral ties once the hostility against Pakistan starts ceasing. Given the fact that there are some forces in Bangladesh that are not in favour of mending fences with Pakistan, the two countries are moving on very cautiously. These forces, with the backing of New Delhi, are looking for an opportunity to derail the whole process.
The possibility of permanent positive transformation of relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh needs to be examined in three ways.
First, the two countries must focus on strengthening business and trade relations alongside enhancing the level of air and sea connectivity. When the bilateral trade will grow for the benefit of both countries, one can expect mitigation of contentious political issues related to the 1971 tragedy as well as the perception in Dhaka that Islamabad must apologise for the "atrocities" committed during the military operation.
The 1974 tripartite agreement signed by India, Bangladesh and Pakistan also mentioned Islamabad appreciating Dhaka for forgiving the alleged atrocities. During President Pervez Musharraf's visit to Dhaka in July 2002, Pakistan had expressed its deep regrets over the tragic events leading to the breakup of the country.
Pakistan can learn several lessons from Bangladesh in the areas of population control, gender emancipation, microcredit schemes, exports, remittances and state-of the-art infrastructure. Moreover, Pakistan can also benefit from Bangladesh's experience of dealing with religious extremism and terrorism. Unlike Pakistan where extremism has given rise to violence resulting in the killing of several thousand people over the years, Bangladesh is peaceful, save for isolated incidents of religious terrorism.
Declaring Karachi and Chittagong and Dhaka and Lahore as sister cities and opening consulates in Lahore and Chittagong will go a long way in generating mutual goodwill at the popular level.
Exchange of students, faculty and professionals will also act as a catalyst in strengthening the bilateral ties. In the banking sector, a joint Pakistan-Bangladesh bank can be established like the Dutch-Bangla bank. The bitterness of the past - which poses a big obstacle to the efforts for normalising the ties between the two countries - will still take time to subside.
Second, both Pakistan and Bangladesh should be mindful of the Indian factor which has the capability to destabilise any activity having the potential of deepening the bilateral ties. If Pakistan puts its own house in order - by strengthening the economy and ensuring political stability, good governance and rule of law - it will be in a better position to help Bangladesh.
During the 15 years of the Awami League rule, India's RAW has penetrated deep inside Bangladeshi state and society. Unless the civil society, media, academia and student community in Bangladesh assert themselves and prevent India from intervening, the Yunus regime will not be able to put pressure on New Delhi to extradite Hasina who is wanted in Bangladesh over corruption and criminal activities. And the ousted Bangladeshi leader will continue to destabilise the interim government with Indian patronage.
Third, people-to-people contact is the need of the hour. The governments in both Pakistan and Bangladesh should ensure affordable air and sea connectivity and take institutional measures to bring the two countries closer.
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Transformational impact of AI
It is estimated that within 5 years AI agents will be able to outperform their human counterparts in multiple fields
Talat Masood // Tribune: February 19, 2025
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and machine learning continue to impact the future of humanity across every industry. AI is already the engine behind several emerging technologies such as self-driving cars, humanoid robots and real-time language translation.
Machine learning is increasingly being used for drug discovery and identifying new environmentally benign materials for the electronics manufacturing industry. AI is truly triggering a quantum jump in multiple fields of technology.
Generative AI models such as ChatGPT have fueled the use and popularity of AI, with many companies now adopting AI to increase automation in their business operations.
CEOs of many firms, included in Fortune 100 Best Companies, are now claiming that before the end of this year AI will be able to replace a mid-level software engineer in their companies.
It is estimated that within 5 years AI agents will be able to outperform their human counterparts in multiple fields - from engineering to law and medicine. How humanity will adjust to these phenomenal changes and still be able to retain control over events will remain its greatest challenge.
In the AI Action Summit at Paris, France held on 11th February 2025, world leaders and tech entrepreneurs worked on mapping out a vision for the future of AI which focused on the benefits whilst guarding against the pitfalls as against previous such summits held in London and Seoul where the emphasis was more on the safety and external risks arising due to AI.
This highlights the growing competition among various nations, as they jostle to be the first to harness the rewards and advantages arising with increased AI adoption. In the recent summit there was a push towards deregulation and cutting of red tape, increased financial investment in key sectors like manufacturing, energy and defence.
Most summit participants - excluding the US and the UK - also signed a declaration on the development of inclusive and sustainable AI, which stated that this technology should have a positive impact on labour force and should align with environmental and social governance. It remains to be seen how it could be realised.
Despite the excitement surrounding the growth of this new technology, the potential disruption it can cause to the existing labour markets cannot be understated, as increased automation of repetitive tasks especially in areas with low skilled roles could lead to job losses in roles such as data entry, customer service and assembly lines.
A report by investment bank, Goldman Sachs also finds that AI could have the ability to replace the equivalent of 300 million full time jobs but may also mean new jobs and productivity boom. But obviously those countries with a higher level of education standards and more advance and sophisticated industrial and technological infrastructure are better placed to benefit from these revolutionary developments.
It is not clear if Pakistan's political leadership is taking any concrete steps in governance to upgrade human resource compatible to cope with these challenges. There is hardly any serious discussion in the media on this particular aspect, although media itself will be greatly impacted by these developments.
The US, China, European countries, Japan, South Korea, India, Latin America and a few others are fast adapting to benefit from these developments. Pakistan has been rather slow and its leadership has not given the attention and priority it deserves.
The government has launched an initiative "Digital Pakistan Vision" to promote AI and other digital technologies. To prosper in the age of AI and harness its potential, Pakistan will need to take several strategic steps. Pakistan, for example, will need to develop a national AI policy framework with concrete goals, priorities and definitive timelines for:
1) Investment in AI education and talent development to build a skilled workforce and to educate the public about the benefits and risks of AI. AI-driven educational platforms are offering personalised learning experiences, adapting to the individual needs of education. Additionally, AI is streamlining administrative task, allowing educators to focus more on teaching.
2) Adoption of AI across healthcare, education and governance to improve efficiency and performance. AI is being used to improve diagnostic accuracy and personalise treatment plans. For example, AI algorithms can analyse medical images to detect diseases such as cancer at an early stage. AI-powered telemedicine platforms are providing remote healthcare services, especially in rural and underserved areas.
3) Encouraging public-private partnership to share resources and talent. This is a powerful strategy to drive innovation, economic growth and societal development. PPPs can bridge gaps between government capabilities and private sector expertise, fostering collaboration that benefits both parties and society at large.
4) Enabling international collaboration to access cutting-edge AI technologies and expertise crucial for accelerating innovation, addressing global challenges and ensuring equitable access to AI advancements. By fostering cross-border partnerships, countries can pool resources, share knowledge and leverage each other's strengths to drive progress in AI.
5) Ensuring equitable access to AI apps such as ChatGPT to reduce widening inequalities and ensuring that the benefits of AI are shared by all. Without deliberate efforts, AI technologies risk exacerbating disparities between developed and developing regions, urban and rural areas, and different socioeconomic groups.
5) Reskilling/Upskilling workers in AI-impacted industries. These steps will help Pakistan stay relevant and be in a position to leverage AI to drive economic growth, improve public services and address societal challenges.
The transformational impact of AI in agriculture is profound, revolutionising traditional farming practices and addressing critical challenges such as food security, resource efficiency and climate change. In agriculture, AI technologies are being employed to optimise farming practice, improve crop yields and reduce resource consumption. In supply chain management, AI is enhancing the efficiency of agricultural supply chains from production to distribution.
Overall, AI is poised to bring about significant economic and social transformation in Pakistan and the Middle East, provided that challenges are effectively managed and the opportunities are fully leveraged. Ultimately, AI has the potential to create a more inclusive, sustainable and prosperous future, provided its development is guided by collaboration, transparency and ethical principles.
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Zahid Hussain // DAWN: 19 February 2025
THE much-anticipated call from Donald Trump has yet to come. In fact, it may never come. However, the PTI has not given up hope of getting support from American lawmakers to put pressure on Pakistan to release Imran Khan. In recent weeks, some Pakistani-American groups have stepped up their engagement with members of Congress and senators, urging them to take a tougher stance on democracy and human rights in Pakistan.
Visiting the US, former president Arif Alvi was also said to have joined the campaign, holding meetings on Capitol Hill. He reportedly briefed more than a dozen lawmakers on the political situation in Pakistan.
These efforts seem to have succeeded in getting statements from some members of Congress, calling on the Pakistani government to release the former prime minister.
Last week, Congressman Joe Wilson, who is one of the strongest voices calling for the release of the incarcerated PTI leader, met the secretary of state in that connection. But, there is no indication yet of the Trump administration raising the issue with the Pakistan government. Human rights and democracy are certainly not a priority for President Trump’s transactional foreign policy agenda. Perhaps, the PTI has read too much into Trump’s reported liking for Imran Khan.
Nevertheless, the statements by some US lawmakers have sent the Pakistani government into a whirl. Last month, the interior minister rushed to Washington to counter the PTI’s efforts. He reportedly briefed a few US lawmakers about his government’s policy agenda. Meanwhile, Pakistan’s ambassador in Washington has also been holding meetings on Capitol Hill.
Unfortunately, the political battle in Pakistan has now spilled over into the US, with the Pakistani diaspora playing an active role in seeking Washington’s support for the restoration of democracy in their country of origin. There has been a marked escalation in their efforts after the return of Donald Trump as US president.
Many of them supported Trump in the presidential election hoping that he would be more sympathetic to their cause given the PTI’s allegation about the role of Joe Biden’s administration in the ouster of Imran Khan’s government. The so-called cipher from Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington at the time, which detailed his conversation with Donald Lu, a senior State Department official, was used by Khan to galvanise public support. He accused the Biden administration of orchestrating regime change. “Hum koi ghulam hain? [are we slaves?],” he had said.
Such populist slogans worked in whipping up anti-American sentiment and added to Imran Khan’s support base. It helped project his image as a nationalist leader who resisted foreign interference. The ouster of the PTI government through a vote of no-confidence was perceived by his supporters as part of a conspiracy planned by the Biden administration and backed by the Pakistani security establishment. Many among the Pakistani diaspora also bought this conspiracy theory.
Imran Khan has long been massively popular among Pakistani expatriates in the US — not only as a former cricket captain who won Pakistan the world championship, but also because of his philanthropic work. This popularity increased with his entry into politics, largely because of the widespread distrust of the other two mainstream parties, which had alternated in power for many decades. It may also be a reason for a section of the Pakistani diaspora to have supported military rule in the past.
But that traditional support for the security establishment has eroded after the arrest of Khan and other PTI activists. The alleged involvement of the deep state in the Feb 8, 2024, elections, which denied the PTI an electoral victory and brought the PML-N and PPP back to power, has further alienated the diaspora. Growing anti-establishment feelings are much more pronounced among the highly educated professionals and the younger generation of the Pakistani expatriate population.
This transformation was palpable when I spoke to Pakistanis during my visit to the US and Canada last summer. Their distrust of the state is unprecedented, which is perhaps why many of them have been actively supporting the campaign for the release of Imran Khan and restoration of democratic rights in Pakistan. And for that, they are even willing to go to the extent of seeking Washington’s support, although Khan had earlier accused his rivals of precisely that.
There are many highly influential Pakistani Americans who are now actively lobbying for Khan’s release. Most of them are involved with the political action committee of Pakistani-Americans (PAKPAC), which has been engaging with members of Congress and the Senate to address its concerns regarding the worsening human rights situation in Pakistan and the crackdown on opposition members.
Over the last few years, the group which calls itself non-partisan, has emerged as the most powerful and influential body representing the Pakistani diaspora. It has organised several meetings on Capitol Hill in recent weeks, and has succeeded in getting statements from some Congress members calling for Khan’s release. It has also been highlighting issues related to Pakistan’s precarious economic situation and other challenges the country faces.
Such rigorous lobbying by the Pakistani diaspora against creeping authoritarianism in Pakistan has never been witnessed before. But it has not yet been able to extract any response from the Trump administration. And it may not come as some analysts rightly point out that Washington’s policy towards Islamabad will be dictated by its own national security and foreign policy priorities, and not concerns for democracy and human rights.
Calling for external interference in the country’s internal political matters will not serve Pakistan’s interests. America had been deeply involved in Pakistan’s internal political matters, mostly propping up authoritarian regimes. We need to fight our own battle for democracy. But the stolen electoral mandate and usurpation of fundamental rights seem to have pushed Pakistani expatriates to go to extremes.
Surely calling for external involvement cannot be justified. But the blame also lies with the present establishment-backed dispensation for creating a situation where the people have completely lost faith in the system. The looming shadow of authoritarianism has already cost the country its sovereignty.
The writer is an author and journalist.
zhussain100@yahoo.com
X: @hidhussain
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2025
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DAWN EDITORIAL: 19 February 2025
AS bodies continue to fall in Kurram despite a state-sanctioned ceasefire, one wonders how long local militants’ challenges to the state’s writ will be tolerated before a full-throttled response is launched.
Another spate of attacks on an aid convoy, which eyewitnesses said was instigated by locals, has threatened to undo the attempts to stabilise the region. Shortly after noon on Monday, the aid convoy, which was destined for Parachinar, came under attack in Lower Kurram. A firefight ensued, which continued for two hours, leaving a Pakistan Army soldier martyred and seven others injured.
A few hours later, there was an attempt to loot the stranded trucks, triggering another gunfight between the security escort and looters. Five Frontier Corps personnel were left injured. Finally, another couple of hours later, an FC Quick Response Force dispatched to rescue the injured was ambushed near a local government school. Four FC personnel were martyred in the attack.
Kurram District has for long posed an administrative headache for the authorities. It has attained notoriety as a hotbed for sectarian and ideologically driven violence. Citizens in geographically boxed-in locations like Parachinar live a miserable existence, caught up in sectarian violence between local tribes.
The militants who control their surrounding areas have placed it under siege, and their virulent hatred seems to make no exceptions, not even for the old and the ailing or for sick children. Besieged thus, Parachinar went for months without adequate food supplies, medicine or fuel late last year.
The aid convoys, which started after the government finally managed to enforce a ceasefire between the warring factions at the beginning of the year, are supposed to meet the urgent human needs of the citizens of Parachinar. Not even the fact that they are under the protection of the state has deterred local spoilers from targeting them, however.
A worrying aspect of Monday’s attacks is eyewitnesses’ claims that they were instigated by local mosques and led by locals. Equally shocking is the brazenness of the repeated attacks on the security escort, which included military and paramilitary personnel. The incident should not be seen as just a spillover of the local conflict but as an example of local miscreants growing so emboldened that they are now willing to take on the Pakistani state itself.
It is imperative, therefore, for the state to take greater control of the situation. It must eliminate any challenges to its authority. The de-weaponisation drive for Kurram has been progressing, but spoilers are still taking advantage of chinks in the state’s armour. There should be zero tolerance henceforth for those violating the peace pact. The peace committee responsible for keeping the agreement must hand over all miscreants. The peace process should not be imperilled at any cost.
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2025
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DAWN EDITORIAL: 19 February 2025
IT is not uncommon for politicians to resort to the use of hyperbole in order to boost their public standing. Indeed, Pakistani politicians appear to have mastered the art. But the current rulers do not realise that their words are fast losing their lustre because they repeat the same thing countless times. For example, first, they continually tried to reassure citizens that a few ‘friendly’ Gulf countries planned to invest $100bn in the country within five years. This, they claimed, would change the nation’s economic landscape. The number has since shrunk to a few billion dollars. Now they say that the World Bank’s promised $20bn investment under its new long-term Country Partnership Framework will address Pakistan’s troubles related to climate change, stunting, learning, and inclusive development. But while doing so, they hide the fact that the number is an ‘indicative’ one and hinges on the funds available with the lender over the plan’s 10-year life and, more crucially, the implementation of reforms that our elites continue to resist.
On Monday, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif used his meeting with a visiting World Bank team to repeat for the umpteenth time that the yet-to-arrive inflow of ‘$40bn investment’ from the bank reflected confidence in his policies, and would open a ‘new chapter’ in various sectors. Clearly, he did not realise how hollow such routine political rhetoric sounds to the people; such words have lost their lustre for those struggling to survive. Any investment in areas critical to the development of human capital must be welcomed, given our enormous financial needs. But no such investment, no matter how big, can make the desired, sustained impact without social sector reforms. Can a nation make economic progress when four out of every 10 of its children suffer from stunting? Have policymakers wondered how much people without skills or education can contribute to economic productivity? Foreign loans and grants can do only so much. If the social sector is to be fixed, and a healthy, literate and skilled manpower developed, the government will have to restructure its policies. Unless it shifts its focus from brick-and-mortar projects to human development, no number of grants and loans can help the economy make impactful and sustainable headway, nor can the public’s trust be restored in politicians who promise the moon.
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2025
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DAWN EDITORIAL: 19 February 2025
THE grass, it seems, did appear greener on the other side to millions of people as evidenced by the latest UN dataset on global migration patterns. It shows that the total number of migrants has nearly doubled from 1990, reaching 304m in 2024. While this appears substantial in absolute terms, migrants still constitute only 3.7pc of the global population, reflecting a modest increase from 2.9pc in 1990. For Pakistan, the data tells a different story. Historically, one of the largest hosts of displaced persons, the country has seen a marked decline in its international migrant stock. In 1990, Pakistan hosted 6.2m migrants, a figure that fell to 3.94m by 2010 and remains 4.18m in 2024. While international migrants made up 5.3pc of the population in 1990, this has now fallen to 1.7pc — a notable demographic shift. These figures are indicative of Pakistan’s diminishing role as a destination country, despite its strategic location.
The government’s decision to expel undocumented Afghans has altered migrant statistics. Many refugees now face precarious conditions, compounded by the suspension of resettlement programmes by Western nations. Additionally, Pakistan remains a significant source country for labour migration, with large numbers of its citizens heading to the Middle East, Europe, and North America for employment. Pakistan needs a balanced migration policy that addresses three key areas. First, it must modernise its border management and visa systems to better track and regulate cross-border movements while fulfilling humanitarian obligations. Second, the country should create incentives to attract skilled foreign workers through simplified procedures and clear pathways for professional integration. Third, systematic data collection on migration patterns is essential to inform policy decisions. Pakistan’s strategic location and large youth population position it uniquely to benefit from both sending workers abroad and receiving foreign talent. However, these advantages can only be realised through well-planned policies that turn migration challenges into opportunities for national development.
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2025
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