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Abbas Nasir // DAWN: 02 February 2025
ISRAEL’S Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) to face war crimes charges, will be feted next Tuesday at the White House by its latest occupant US President Donald Trump whose reiteration of his stance on the forced displacement of Gaza Palestinians to Egypt and Jordan has caused considerable anxiety to the two US allies.
President Trump told reporters on board Air Force One a week ago that “Gaza’s 1.5 million” (more like 2m minus the at least 50,000 who have perished in the 15 months of genocide by the Israeli Occupation Forces) population could be relocated to Egypt and Jordan ‘permanently’ or for a time because the destruction in Gaza has created a mess and needed a ‘clean out’, as he put it.
As Egypt and Jordan were responding to Trump’s outrageous suggestion, the White House issued Trump’s warmly worded invitation to Netanyahu, facing ICC arrest warrants for war crimes charges over his Gaza military campaign that many organisations and experts call a genocide: “Dear Prime Minister, I would like to formally invite you to the White House next week. I look forward to discussing how we can bring peace to Israel and its neighbours, and efforts to counter our shared adversaries. It will be my honour to host you as my first foreign leader in my second term.”
While Netanyahu would likely endorse the Trump plan and also be pushing for an all-out attack on Iran, Egypt and Jordan, two staunch US allies, voiced their serious opposition to the Trump plan and said the displacement of the Gazans was not a solution and would create more problems. Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi angrily suggested if Gazans have to be moved let it be to the (Israeli-occupied) Negev desert.
‘What was inescapable is that there is almost nothing left of Gaza.’
Late on Thursday, Trump was asked for his reaction to what his two Arab allies and Israel’s neighbours were saying and he retorted: “They’ll do it … we do a lot for them.” It was difficult to say whether his words were more of an expression of reality or his glum face.
Apart from Trump, White House envoy Steve Witkoff, told Axios.com in an interview at the end of his trip to the Middle East just before this weekend that rebuilding Gaza could take between 10 and 15 years: “What was inescapable is that there is almost nothing left of Gaza.”
“There is nothing left standing. Many unexploded ordnances. It is not safe to walk there. It is very dangerous. I wouldn’t have known this without going there and inspecting,” he said. It has also emerged now that Witkoff met Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia on his earlier visit to the region two weeks ago, when the ceasefire deal was announced.
While property tycoons/ developers Trump and Witkoff may have their own assessment of the potential value of the Gaza real estate to their main ally Israel, they seemed a little short on an understanding of the regional dynamics.
Trump is keen to expand the Abraham Accords to Saudi Arabia as soon as possible because he believes that the kingdom may hold the key to Israel’s recognition in the Islamic world and further the ‘normalisation’ process. In such an event, trust Pakistan to come under immense pressure too. But for this to happen, the Saudis would have to change their stance on making normalisation conditional to a two-state solution.
Equally, Egypt and Jordan are both wary of accepting the Gaza Palestinians in such large numbers for fear of destabilisation of their own governments. So far, the two have kept domestic sentiment under the lid via brutal force but such a movement of angry and politicised Palestinians in large numbers could potentially loosen, even uproot, their delicate hold on power.
Israel has tried brutality on the Palestinians but that hasn’t doused the fire for liberty within them; in fact, it seems to burn ever so strongly. How are Egypt and Jordan more likely than Israel to succeed when the Arab street seems overwhelmingly pro-Palestine?
And how will the Palestinians react themselves? Israel’s military campaign which, apart from targeting innocent civilians and healthcare workers among other professionals, has destroyed some 80 per cent of homes, schools, hospitals, universities, libraries and even more significantly the utilities infrastructure, as the Gazans returning to the north of the Strip are witnessing. But Israel’s scorched earth policy has not broken their will.
There is no water, shelter, electricity or sewerage facility. The UN agency UNRWA, which is said to meet some 70pc of the food needs of Gaza, has been told to pack up by Israel but it insists on continuing its sterling work. The colonial, Zionist-supremacist state seems hell-bent on obliterating Gaza as a Palestinian enclave, which is how it has existed since the Nakba.
But, despite the seeming impossibility of creating even the most basic conditions for human habitation, many of those returning to the north of the Strip thus far have expressed a resolve to live or die on their land. There have been clips on social media showing them kneeling and kissing the soil where it is possible, and the rubble elsewhere, in the only homeland they have known.
Israel’s Greater Israel map publicly presented by Netanyahu sees the apartheid state expanding from the river to the sea. Whether the world, and more significantly the regional powers, will stand by and watch the Palestinians being slaughtered and then expelled from the ever-shrinking spaces in their own homeland, or try to say enough, isn’t clear.
The one thing that could influence the ‘war-averse’ transactional president is Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s offer of a $600 billion investment in the US. Whether Saudi Arabia is prepared to link any such move to a resolution of the Palestine dispute is another matter that will become apparent as the Trump plan starts to take shape.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
abbas.nasir@hotmail.com
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
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Muhammad Amir Rana // DAWN: 02 February 2025
THERE is no distinction between defying a callous tyrant and boldly upholding the truth in the face of the world’s most powerful populist leader. In some cases, it becomes even more challenging, as enduring trolling and humiliation from followers of populist leaders on social media is not easy.
One must praise Washington’s Episcopal bishop, the Right Reverend Mariann Edgar Budde, who courageously addressed President Donald Trump during the National Prayer Service last month, after his inauguration. She urged him to extend mercy to marginalised communities, including the LGBTQ+ community and undocumented migrant workers.
What she had to say did not lead President Trump to reconsider his executive orders, including deportation policies and new immigration regulations. However, her courage will be remembered by those who choose to stand on the right side of history. President Trump appears to remain determined to implement his agenda of reshaping America’s internal and global order, despite resistance to his paradoxical motives.
Deportation flights between the US and Colombia resumed following a stand-off that shed light on how the Trump administration intends to handle countries resisting the large-scale return of migrants. Colombian President Gustavo Petro initially refused to accept two US military planes carrying deported migrants, prompting Mr Trump to order 25 per cent tariffs on Colombian exports.
President Trump is shaping a global order based on the principle of ‘might is right’.
The US administration is not only pursuing deportations; it also appears to have plans to uproot people from their homes and lands, which can unleash another wave of global migration. The administration seems determined to carry out its Middle East agenda, which includes sweeping political and social engineering steps, such as the forced relocation of Gaza’s population in Egypt and Jordan.
In a recent Foreign Affairs commentary, Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay reflected on Trump’s policies, stating, “Pax Americana is gone. Born with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour on Dec 7, 1941, the US-led international rules-based order died with the second inauguration of Donald J. Trump”.
President Trump is shaping a global order based on the principle of ‘might is right’, an approach which while suppressing immigrants and weaker nations in the short term will also result in an unjust world system — one that emboldens authoritarianism, chips away further at human rights, and oppresses vulnerable groups. This can only weaken social and national cohesion in developing and semi-democratic nations across the globe.
The most dangerous precedent that Trump’s vision will set is his exploitation of expansionist tendencies. His remarks about capturing Canada and Greenland may have roots in American history, but similar territorial ambitions exist in many nations worldwide. Expansionist beliefs, which are often built on nationalist rhetoric and stoked by radical political actors, threaten global stability — they can reignite territorial disputes and justify aggression under the cover of historical claims.
Expansionist theories and ‘Greater Nation’ notions, such as ‘Akhand Bharat’ (Greater India), Greater Persia, and Greater Russia, advocate the extension of national influence based on historical, ethnic, or cultural claims. These ideas are often driven by historical revisionism, nationalist populism, and geopolitical ambitions. Under President Trump, the US has joined that league.
President Trump’s ‘America First’ doctrine and his approach towards immigration are deeply rooted in expansionist ideologies. They shape US foreign policy in ways that prioritise economic and strategic dominance over traditional diplomacy. Despite criticism and rejection from key allies like Egypt, Jordan, and even some Republicans, Trump’s administration continues to emphasise coercion over negotiation, particularly in the Middle East and Ukraine.
Trump’s ideology echoes America’s broader expansionist realpolitik, with strategic goals prioritised over human rights and sovereignty. Such a stance not only lends validity to Israeli aggression but can also set a precedent for forced population transfers, violating international law. Meanwhile, the detention of Palestinian children without charge in Israel under that country’s controversial laws brings into focus the deepening humanitarian crisis that Trump’s administration appears willing to overlook in its advancement of a pro-Israel, destabilisation-driven strategy in the Middle East.
Meanwhile, countries and regions that are outside America’s top strategic priorities, or those which have yet to be explored by Washington for economic and geopolitical interests, are being neglected. For instance, the recent uptick in the insurgency in the Democratic Republic of Congo has not received much attention from the West. This points to a shift away from humanitarian interventions and conflict-resolution efforts.
Much like Trump’s immigration policies under the ‘America First’ doctrine, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah’s pledge to expel ‘illegal’ Bangladeshi and Rohingya immigrants from Delhi within two years if the BJP wins the upcoming polls demonstrates the weaponisation of migration for political gain — an ideology where citizenship and belonging are increasingly being defined through ethnoreligious exclusivity.
Such rhetoric is also supposed to be a message for Bangladesh, which saw a pro-India regime toppled last year, signalling changes in regional political dynamics. But the BJP’s commitment to its expansionist ideology goes further back; and the ruling party’s alignment with Trump’s nationalist vision suggests a broader shift towards authoritarian populism. It is a trajectory that has grave implications for religious minorities in India and its neighbouring countries, particularly those that the BJP sees as part of ‘Akhand Bharat’ or ‘Greater India’. By normalising exclusionary nationalism, India risks not only igniting domestic communal tensions but also regional instability as such policies alienate and antagonise populations across South Asia.
Pakistan is not an exception in following Trump’s vision; its state institutions increasingly mirror a hard-line approach towards vulnerable and marginalised communities. The Islamabad administration’s actions and reports on making the federal capital free of Afghan immigrants reflect the same rhetoric and criminalisation tactics that Trump employed during his electoral campaign against immigrants.
In turbulent and chaotic times, the only hope one can find comes from voices like that of Right Reverend Mariann Edgar Budde. While they may not drastically alter the Trumpian world, they help make it a more livable place for all.
The writer is a security analyst.
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
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DAWN Editorial: 02 February 2025
AS the world marks Wetlands Day, Pakistan’s critical ecosystems find themselves in an unenviable position. The country’s 780,000 hectares of wetlands — nature’s own water-management infrastructure — are diminishing at an alarming rate. The timing could hardly be worse. Pakistan is grappling with a severe winter drought, with rainfall 40pc below normal levels. Farm output, particularly wheat production, could plummet by half. In such circumstances, functioning wetlands — which act as natural reservoirs and flood barriers — become invaluable. Yet Pakistan has managed its 19 internationally recognised Ramsar sites with remarkable ineptitude. The problems are particularly acute in Sindh, home to 10 Ramsar sites. Take Keenjhar Lake, which supplies drinking water to Karachi’s millions. Industrial effluents pour in unchecked, while water availability dwindles. Similar stories plague Manchhar Lake and the Indus delta wetlands. The country’s environmental protection agencies are mere spectators.
This is a peculiar form of economic self-harm. Wetlands provide ecosystem services worth billions annually through flood protection, groundwater recharge, and support for fisheries and agriculture. Their degradation threatens not just biodiversity but also livelihoods and food security. The climate change ministry has made encouraging noises about wetland restoration as part of its drought-mitigation strategy. But we have a history of producing ambitious environmental policies that simply gather dust. Implementation remains the Achilles’ heel. Rapid action is needed on three fronts: stringent enforcement of existing environmental laws, dedicated water allocation for wetland maintenance, and a comprehensive restoration programme. The economic returns would far outweigh the costs. But this requires political will and bureaucratic coordination — both rare commodities. If Pakistan’s wetlands continue to deteriorate at the current pace, the country may find itself facing not just an environmental crisis but an economic and social one too. We better save them.
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
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DAWN Editorial: 02 February 2025
WITH the start of UN World Interfaith Harmony Week, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s call for dialogue, understanding, mutual respect and cooperation among religious communities is a timely reminder of how much remains to be done to promote communal tolerance in the country.
“The groundbreaking Interfaith Harmony Policy and Strategy of Religious Tolerance are now in motion, targeting hate speech at its core, safeguarding every temple, church, and shrine,” he said, while admitting that challenges remained. And these challenges are considerable.
It is no secret that constitutional assurances of freedom for religious groups to practise their faith and of protection for the life and liberty of all citizens ring hollow for many of Pakistan’s religious minorities, who include Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, and Ahmadisamong others, forming only 4pc of the population. They exist on the peripheries of society, with many at risk of being targeted by divisive zealots with disruptive agendas and actions.
For centuries, coexistence among different faith groups was hardly considered novel. But in the present times, thanks to the space ceded to radical elements, belonging to a minority sect or group can be a sombre presage of severe consequences.
Pakistan’s communally charged situation can hardly be said to be an unplanned phenomenon; with different rulers at different times exploiting religion to promote their own agendas. This has come back to haunt the country in the form of not only religiously inspired militancy but also vigilantism in society, the misuse of blasphemy laws, forced conversions, desecration of religious places, etc.
Such activities can often be traced to sinister purposes of control and settling personal scores. Small wonder then that episodes such as the torching of Christian neighbourhoodsand mob justice for a blasphemy accused are not uncommon. For even marginal healing to begin, the process of accountability must be set in motion for those who spew bigotry and encourage violence from the pulpit. Harmony requires prosecuting and punishing hate-mongers, and formulating inclusive policies with measures to curtail venomous narratives.
Pakistan, as an economic backwater, needs social cohesion for development and political agency. The state should adopt a more aggressive approach to reverse the tide of zealotry and establish a platform for leaders from different faiths to break the social impasse.
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
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